(The Economist) --- Marcin Waszczuk is
ready for action. Dressed in camouflage fatigues with a Polish flag on the
shoulder, the heavyset 41-year-old is the head of Strzelec, one of Poland’s
largest paramilitary organisations, and he wants to be prepared in case of a
Russian attack.
His office sits in
a notable location: the PAST office block, one of Warsaw ’s few pre-war skyscrapers. During the
1944 Warsaw uprising, fighters from Poland’s Home Army, the largest partisan
force in Europe, battled for 18 bloody days to seize the building from German
troops, and held on until the two-month-long uprising was finally
crushed.
Polish servicemen take part in military exercises outside the town of Yavoriv near Lviv, September 19, 2014. (Reuters) |
Now Mr Waszczuk
wants to draw on Poland ’s
history of guerrilla warfare to cope with the challenges of an
increasingly unpredictable Russia .
“We are the continuation of the Home Army,” he says. The goal is to form light
infantry units scattered around the country able to continue the fight “if
there is an invasion and the Polish military is destroyed".
These ideas are not
entirely far-fetched. In early December, Poland ’s defence ministry approved
an upgraded national defence plan that includes an effort to co-ordinate better
between the regular military and informal paramilitary outfits. Strzelec counts
about 5,000 members; several hundred thousand other Polish civilians, including
military re-enactment enthusiasts, are thought to be keen on the programme. The
military already aids paramilitary groups with surplus uniforms and training
sessions.
The strategy also
shifts more of Poland ’s
military assets to its eastern border, in keeping with the so-called Komorowski
Doctrine. Bronislaw Komorowski, the president, has pressed the country to focus
more on territorial defence and less on far-flung excursions to places like Iraq and Afghanistan . And while reviving the
Home Army may seem quixotic, security experts worry that Poland ’s army,
which still relies heavily on outdated Soviet-era weaponry, would be unable to
withstand a full-on Russian attack.
“Is the Polish army
prepared? No it is not,” says Zbigniew Pisarski, president of the Casimir
Pulaski Foundation, a defence and security think-tank which recently completed
an assessment of Poland 's
military. Mr Pisarski admits that a Russian attack is an “extreme scenario”,
but Russia ’s actions over
the last year in Ukraine
have made it seem less improbable. Even before the latest tensions arose, Russia and Belarus
had practised a simulated tactical nuclear strike on Warsaw during the 2009 Zapad war games.
Spooked by the
revival of its age-old enemy, Warsaw
has embarked on a $30 billion decade-long rearmament programme, one of the
most ambitious in NATO. By 2022 the country should have modern missile defences
as well as helicopters, tanks, armoured personnel carriers, artillery,
communications and a larger fleet. Poland spends 1.95% of GDP on
defence, one of the higher levels in the Atlantic alliance, and has committed
to raise that to 2%.
But until the
rearmament programme is completed, Poland is vulnerable. Current plans
call for Poland to hold off
an attack until Poland ’s
NATO allies can swing into action and come in to help. “One-on-one we have no
chance,” says Mr Pisarski.
Worryingly, that is
largely the same doctrine employed by the Polish military in 1939, when the
doctrine was to hold off the Germans long enough for France
and Britain
to attack. That help never came, forcing Poles to go underground with the Home
Army to continue the fight.“We supposedly had a strong alliance in 1939, and no
one came to help us,” says Mr Waszczuk. “Now we’re hearing that Germany is in
no shape to help us and that NATO is unclear about sending troops here. In the
end, the best defence is to rely on yourself.”
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